The Importance of Black Cultural Centers, Student Unions, and Faculty Organizations in Higher Education

by Tori Stevenson

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s brought about many changes in America, but one sector of American society that saw the greatest reform was higher education. While Black admissions and enrollment at predominantly White institutions had been possible since the 1800’s, racist practices ran rampant in higher education, creating unsafe, unwelcoming, and damaging environments for Black students and staff on predominantly White campuses. In conjunction with the rise of Black Power Movements across the nation in the 1960’s, Black students began to advocate for reforms within academia, launching the Black Campus Movement. Among some of the most popular demands made by members or groups affiliated with the Black Campus Movement were the establishment of Black cultural centers, increased Black student enrollment, an increase in Black representation among faculty and staff, and Black studies programs. Another one of the effects of the Black Campus movement was the creation of Black Student Unions, which allowed Black students to address more specific issues related to their institutions. Since the founding of Black cultural centers, student unions, and faculty and staff associations on predominantly White campuses (PWC) they have served as important sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation in higher education.

In order to establish the significance and efficacy of these developments, it is important to define what is meant by decolonization, resistance, and liberation. These terms will be understood as defined by Dr. Sydney Freeman Jr, a tenured professor of adult organizational learning and leadership at the University of Idaho, in his article “The Future of Black Scholars.”¹ Freeman describes decolonization as “the holistic process of letting go of colonial practices, values, and culture. Adopting and returning to indigenous ways of knowing and being.” This is what Freeman envisions as the first step in the process of Black transformation which will ultimately lead to Black individuals “thriving holistically, mentally, spiritually, socially, and physically.” The next step in the process of Black transformation is resistance, which is similar to concepts of abolition. Freeman defines resistance as “being willing to fight injustice and dismantle practices, systems, institutions or power structures.” This is followed by liberation, which is “to be free from forms of spiritual, psychological, and physical oppression and captivity.” These terms will be understood within this context when examining the role of Black cultural centers, student unions, and staff and faculty associations historically, as well as how they have promoted these ideals for Black populations on PWCs in the past and how they continue to do so.

Black Student Unions:

In the wake of progress made by national movements such as the Black Campus Movement and fueled by an intense sense of isolation Black students felt on PWCs, Black Student Unions (BSU) was created. Prior to the establishment of official campus-specific BSUs, Black students found other ways to connect with each other and foster community on campus, allowing for an easy adoption of BSUs by Black students on PWCs. In 1906, seven male students at Cornell created Alpha Phi Alpha, the nation’s first African American intercollegiate Greek-letter fraternal organization and one of the first cases of Black student organization. Later, in 1908 at Howard University, eight female students formed Alpha Kappa Alpha, the first Black sorority. Other universities across the country had different forms of Black student organization as well. For example, at San Francisco State, where the first BSU would eventually be established in 1966, there was Negro Student Association, and both UC Berkley and U-Chicago had long standing Negro Student Clubs.²

In 1966 the first BSUs were established, and the organization quickly spread across the country with 1,000 more by 1969. In an interview, James Garrett and Jerry Varnado, founders of the first BSU at San Francisco State, explained that they no longer wanted to be known as a Negro Student Association, but rather a Black Student Union in order to “reflect the growing consciousness of Black identity.”³ They also hoped to reclaim authority and empower members by claiming the term Black rather than continuing to use terms society had placed upon them in the past, such as negroes or colored. Professor of Education and activist Kitty Kelly Epstein describes this shift from previous Black student campus organizations to BSUs as one from “integration” to “self-determination,” reflecting the aspirations of Black empowerment that founders Garrett and Varando had in mind.⁴ This foundational step in the creation of the BSU exhibits its ability to serve as a site of decolonization, resistance, and liberation by letting go of the colonial names impressed upon Black populations, fighting for Black students empowerment, and freeing them psychologically from any forms of oppression.

Agyei Tyehimba, a former president for the BSU at Syracuse University and the founder and director of Harlem Liberation School, argues that the difference between modern BSUs and preceding Black student organizations is that BSUs’ goal and purpose is taking political positions and action when necessary.⁵ As opposed to the Black fraternities and sororities or Negro Student Associations whose goal was to foster community and relationship, an effective BSU must create community as well as take action and fight for Black students. Tyehimba defines the role of BSUs as needing to “maintain the tradition of consciousness-raising, resistance, and Black empowerment… advocate for Black liberation, solidarity, and increased opportunities for Blacks on campus.” Tyehimba argues that BSUs are able to achieve these goals through fighting for Black Studies departments, creating employment and political opportunities for Black professors, and granting proactive, politically minded Black students and intellectuals a platform. Tyehimba has personally witnessed the power of BSUs to uphold such values: first, his BSU devised a plan to gain more student government seats and demand a more just allocation of the university’s budget for campus clubs and groups, resulting in his BSU receiving every dime they asked for. Additionally, they campaigned to strengthen and redevelop the African American Studies Department at Syracuse and were eventually able to have every single one of their demands met. Both of these examples exemplify the ability of BSUs to serve as sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation for their universities. For Tyehimba and other BSU leaders, decolonization, resistance, and liberation are critical reasons why BSUs are established and are duties current BSUs must continue to maintain.

BSUs have also served as practical sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation in other ways around the country. A 1978 study conducted by the Martin Institute of Human Behavior ⁶ asked Black student leaders from 13 campuses in the Midwest, West Coast, East Coast, and South to evaluate how successful their BSUs had been at having their demands met on PWCs. Out of the total 72 documented demands made by the 13 BSUs, 53 were met with some form of response and action from the university. While this is not perfect, it does indicate that BSUs were, overall, able to elicit institutional responses. Only a mere decade after their establishment, BSUs had already become an important advocate for Black students and had proved successful in reaching the goals they were created to achieve. Many of the issues BSUs raised had to do with Black enrollment, improved financial aid, Black studies programs, and supportive services, but one of the most popular demands by far was the demand for Black cultural facilities and activities. A similar study conducted by Frederick Smith at Loyola University in 2018 evaluated the most popular demands made by BSUs on PWCs. The study concluded that the demand for cultural centers on PWCs was one of the top three most sought after demands across the country.⁷ The fact that this was and remains a common demand reflects either the lack of such facilities or the slowness with which such institutions responded to these demands. It also highlights the importance of Black cultural centers to BSUs and Black students across the country, and as something they are willing to fight for.

Black Cultural Centers:

BSUs were not alone in their fight to empower and create a sense of community for Black students; Black cultural centers (BCCs) also served as sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation across the country. BCCs differed from BSUs because rather than a politically active organization, BCCs are physical areas which provide a “home away from home” for Black students. While BSUs or other Black student organizations may meet at and use BCCs, they are not dependent upon these organizations. Another way in which BSUs and BCCs differ is that, while BCCs usually fulfill a social function like BSUs, they also provide academic services such as tutoring, workshops, and other tools for academic development. Furthermore, BCCs often host cross-cultural events and support cross-racial interactions. BCCs are established for the use and support of Black student populations, but in some cases events or programs offered at BCCs are open to other ethnic groups on campus in order to foster understanding and acceptance. Whereas participation and membership in a BSU is dependent on whether a student identifies as Black in order to strengthen and support Black student populations on PWCs, BCCs provide opportunities of understanding and community for students of any ethnicity. In addition to BSUs, BCCs are an important aspect of life for Black students because the act of actively occupying and identifying a space as their own allows Black students to continue to practice resistance on PWCs.⁸

Many Black students on PWCs often feel marginalized, culturally isolated, and socially alienated. Additionally, they frequently find PWC climates chilly or unwelcoming. Black students also often feel a responsibility to act as spokespersons for their entire race, which often leads to psychological stress.⁹ BCCs endeavored to combat resultant feelings of loneliness, hostility or student burnout by promoting a sense of empowerment through affirmation of African American culture. The first BCCs were founded in the 1960s and were primarily at PWCs in the South in an effort to create safe spaces for Black students at potentially hostile campuses, but eventually, they could be found across the nation. The Association of Black Cultural Centers (ABCC) found in 2002 almost 400 Black and multicultural centers on college campuses across the country; approximately 50% were BCCS.

The greatest testament to BCCs’ impact and importance on PWCs is the first hand accounts from students who have relied on these sites throughout their college experience. In a 2021 study conducted by Antar A. Tichavakunda on Black campus life at West Side University (pseudonym), he asked students what the importance of the BCC there was to them; he also reflected on his own experience with BCCs when he had been a student. One student Tichavakunda interviewed named Dajuan (pseudonym) said that the BCC had “made his entire experience” at the university and “has been extremely positive.” Dajuan attributed most of his friendships to the programs and space provided at the BCC and spent a majority of his time there. Tichavakunda himself remembered viewing his school’s BCC as a very welcoming place where he “ventured to feel seen.” Another student interviewed named Catherine explained how, in the wake of the 2016 election, murder of George Floyd, and Black Lives Matter movement, the BCC was a place for the Black community to come together to “shed tears, express frustration, and share a similar feeling of loss,” resulting in a more tight-knit community.¹⁰

In her 2019 book Campus Counterspaces, Micere Keels, a professor of Human Development, also interviewed students about safe spaces on their historically White campuses. All of the students she interviewed agreed that “having a cultural home on campus is critical for their sense of belonging on campus” as well as acknowledging their dependence upon the academic, leadership, and career support that these centers help to develop. Many of the students also emphasized that the activities held at the cultural centers helped them to dispel stereotypes and build cross-cultural relationships on their campuses.[^11}

Both of these studies reflect not only the personal importance and value of BCCs to Black students, but also how they continue to serve as sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation. By claiming their own spaces on campus, Black students have the space to discuss, connect, and practice indigenous ways of knowing and being with others from similar backgrounds to begin the process of decolonization. They also have a space to plan and execute formal acts of resistance and, ultimately, create a liberated and safe space for Black students on PWCs.

Black Faculty and Staff Associations:

While the importance of Black student organizations is regularly recognized and acknowledged, the importance of similar organizations for Black faculty and staff on PWCs is often overlooked. Black faculty and staff can often feel just as marginalized and lonely as their students. On top of this Black, faculty and staff must cope with the additional pressure of their careers and livelihood depending on their performance and how well they fit in on PWCs. This often results in Black faculty feeling as though they must alter their personality, clothing, or other parts of their identity in order to succeed on PWCs; that they do not have the ability to advocate for their needs adequately; or that they are token members hired to fill a quota and not for their merit.¹¹ Having organizations in place for Black faculty and staff allows for Black empowerment as well as continues to promote decolonization, resistance, and liberation within academia.

Founded in the 1980s, Black faculty and staff associations (BFSA) rose concomitantly as BSUs, but at a notably slower pace. Some universities such as the University of California Riverside did not formally establish a Black faculty and staff association until as recently as 2017. While BFSAs may go by different titles, such as African American Staff and Faculty Association or Minority Faculty and Staff Association, most PWCs currently have organizations in place to provide a support system, advocate for equitable opportunities, address institutional race issues, and empower Black faculty and staff.

Support from formal organizations and associations recognized by predominantly White institutions is important for Black faculty and staff in order to fight against institutionalized racism and advocate for equitable opportunities. Agyei Tyehimba discusses the importance of critical mass in regards to Black populations actually being able to enact change within academia. Critical mass is why collectives such as BFSAs are so important in order to decolonize and promote resistance on PWCs. Martell Teasley, a professor of social work, also acknowledges the need for a critical mass by stressing the importance of formal mentorship of junior professors and new faculty members organized as a means of BFSAs, increasing institutional success and retention. He argues that mentorship is particularly important at PWCs where faculty members might be able to provide “need-to-know information, standard operating procedures, and strategies for successful negotiation within academic units.”¹² William H. Watkins, a professor of African American Education, suggests that the reason many beginning Black professors leave their institutions or are not able to achieve tenure is because they are not able to complete the socialization process into academia. He argues that BFSAs should put an emphasis on mentorship not just to foster a sense community and belonging on campus, but because each member properly socialized is another member gained for that institution’s BFSA.¹³

Mentorship and other methods of BFSAs can be assigned, but they can also be informal and allow for Black faculty and staff to decolonize, resist, and liberate their institutions. English professor Helane Adams Androne recalled her experience when first working for a predominantly White institution and how she felt pressured to change her natural hairstyle and not speak up during department meetings, but she was able to overcome these issues through support from her mentor/committee chair and other female colleagues.¹⁴ Higher education administrators Tenisha Tevis, Marcia Hernandez, and Rhonda Bryant share similar stories of their starts in higher education, often being perceived as “hostile” or “dramatic” when advocating for themselves. However, once they were able to find an informal association of fellow female or minority colleagues to rely on, they were able to bring their concerns to administration effectively and enact change.¹⁵

Unfortunately, this is not always the case though. Both authors of Exposing the “Culture of Arrogance” in the Academy have admitted to leaving their past institutions because of feeling ignored and unsupported by administration. Furthermore, there were no BFSAs for them to rely upon for help; both women, as a result, fell prey to feelings of loneliness, isolation, and a sense of being overwhelmed to the point where they felt it necessary for them to resign from their positions. It is quite possible that if these women had had other colleagues or an association to rely upon, as did Androne, Tevi, Hernandez, and Bryant, they would have been able to feel empowered to resist and advocate for themselves, resulting in their continued careers at these institutions. By advocating for themselves and others through both formal and informal BFSAs, Black faculty and staff are able to promote decolonization, resistance, and liberation on PWCs and create happy, healthy work environments. Additionally, as a result of better working conditions and workplace satisfaction being increased by BFSAs, predominantly White institutions are able to recruit and retain more Black faculty and staff. By increasing Black representation among faculty and staff, BFSAs are creating a better experience for Black students on PWCs as well.

Black student unions, cultural centers, and faculty and staff associations have promoted decolonization, resistance, and liberation on PWCs. Thus empowered, Black populations have created safe spaces for cultural engagement and understanding and have advocated for equitable opportunities for the past 60 years and continue to do so. However, despite the amazing achievements these organizations have experienced, progress continues to be slow and continued actions must be taken. As Martha Biondi, a professor of African American studies, outlines in the conclusion to her book The Black Revolution on Campus, the percentage of Black faculty and staff at PWCs remains startlingly low, especially in terms of Black faculty in senior or administrative positions. Furthermore, Black activism has faced a backlash from conservatives seeking to reverse these advancements by attacking open admission and affirmative action. Black enrollment has declined, and Black students are experiencing covert and overt rejection at a number of PWCs.¹⁶ The importance of Black student unions, cultural centers, and staff and faculty associations cannot be forgotten just because the Civil Rights or Black Campus Movement are over. These organizations remain valuable resources and important sites of decolonization, resistance, and liberation for many students across the country to this day and must continue to be funded, recognized, and supported.

Notes